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ORATION. 



PHO^Ot'TSCETi. 



FOURTH JULY, 1816, 



BEFORE THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON 



AT THE JlEflTTiST- OF THE SILECTMT:\ 



BY GEORGE SULLIVAN 



PFIVTKB 111 C. STEDBI3TS 

i8i6; 






VOTE OF THE TOWN 

At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of BOSTON, 
duly qualified and legally warned, in publick town-meeting, assembled at the Old 
South Chukch, the 4th day of July, A. D. 1816. 

Voted, That the Selectmen be, and hereby are appointed, a committee to v ait 
on GEORGE SULLIVAN, Esq. in the name of the town, and thank him for the 
elegant and spirited oration, this day delivered by him at the request ot the town, 
upou the anniversary of American Independence, in which were considered the 
feelings, manners, anil principles, which produced the great national event ; and to 
request of him a copy for the press. 

Attest, THOMAS CLARK, Town Clerk. 



5 



ORATION 



The return of a period which has given birth 
to interesting objects, reminds us how indispensable 
they are to our happiness. We live surrounded and 
protected by the highest political blessings : enjoying 
a security in our persons and property, ~with a certainty 
of the duration of it ; which leaves us nothing to fear, 
and almost nothing to desire. Hence a deep insen- 
sibility to the value of our extraordinary privileges 
habitually pervades the community. But the return of 
this anniversary awakens, in the wise and the grateful, 
a consciousness of their rich possessions : Americans 
on this day contrast with pride their nation's freedom, 
honour and security : New-England's sons and 
daughters rise in prayer and praise to that goodness 
and mercy which preserved their fathers : Bostonians 
with gratitude review the feelings, principles and man- 
ners of their ancestors, which produced and transmit- 
ted the freedom of their country. 

Survey the happy condition that distinguishes you 
above every other people. On the first institution of 
your national government, some alarming discrepancies 
of opinion on questions of principle did indeed exist. It 
was to be expected in an experiment upon new materials. 



whose laws of attraction and combination were as yet un 
known, that men profoundly skilled in the results of oth- 
er combinations might differ in their theories of this. 
Happy indeed has been the result of his bold and sub- 
lime experiment ! Honest difference of opinion is can- 
didly allowed, and the tranquillity which has succeeded 
to an alarming war, brings you the assurance that youi 
constitutions are competent to the exigencies of your 
country. Compare them with the governments of oth- 
er nations. Where will you find laws operating like 
ours with equal pressure on every branch of admin- 
istration as on the people ? where will you find power 
so stripped of immunity and prerogative ? where the 
interest of government so perfectly coincident with the 
welfare of the people, that if justice even were discard- 
ed from the breast of legislative and executive power, 
interest alone would give solidity to a wise adminis- 
tration. In these respects no equal has ever existed. 
In the republicks of Greece, either the people were the 
wanton tyrants over government, or the government 
was a factious tyranny over the people. For a moment 
Home seems to present a resemblance in the annual 
election of her consuls. It is to this the learned Mon- 
tesquieu ascribes her glory and her triumphs. But her 
glory was purchased by ambition, at an expence of 
millions of citizens, and her triumphs were so laden 
with the spoils of conquest, that eventually they shook 
the foundations of the republic. The resemblance was 
only in form. The tendency of that government was 
to insrease its power by the slavery of the people. 

It was reserved for modern times, when the experi- 
ence of ages had developed the principles of the social 



compact, and the progress of mind had subdued the 
sceptre of power, to establish by controlling forms of 
government the rights and interests of men. Legis- 
lation, as a science, pregressively improving with the 
melioration of society, first appeared in the land of your 
ancestors. There the perfect and commanding form 
of jurisprudence was first revealed to mortal eyes. 
The wise and valiant, from whom your fathers sprung, 
reared to her, as to a divinity, a vast and splendid 
temple, whose foundations were lain upon the wisdom 
of the antients, whose columns were modelled by the 
experience of nations, and sustain a firm and massive 
canopy, that seems to defy the elements of convulsion, 
and the decay of empires. It was the temple of Jus- 
tice ; the steady lustre of her lamp has cast its instruc- 
tive light upon our shores ; and the wisdom, the genius 
and eloquence of many illustrious judges and advocates 
of our own time, whose lips are closed in death, have 
bequeathed us the means of founding an asylum, broad 
as our country, for the refuge of justice ; should the 
destiny of nations consign England, like Carthage, to 
the silence of ruins. 

The stability of her government, however, has been 
tried : conquest or revolution has,within the last century, 
overturned every nation in Europe, save only the king 
dom of Great-Britain. The summary of her history 
discloses the cause of her security and of yours to be 
the same. While in some nations, as they rose from 
the thraldom of feudality, the nobles conspired with the 
sovereign against the people, the nobles in England 
combined with the subject against the monarch, and by 
gradual reduction of the power of the crown, raisod 



6 

the spirit of liberty among the people. Preeminently 
favoured among European' nations, with this only pure 
fountain of legislation and justice, she has been fhe ad- 
miration of all. Ages had been consumed in the struc- 
ture of her government; and the project of establishing 
in this country, at once, a constitution of equal efficiency 
was ridiculed there as chimerical — an Utopian bubble, 
that might glitter for a while in the sunbeam, but would 
surely burst on contact with the slightest obstacle. 

Our fathers had profited of their opportunities too 
well not to disappoint such partial expectations. They 
had mastered the political wisdom of the age. And 
have they not shewn that, if we have reason to rejoice 
in our descent, England has scarcely less to be proud 
of her descendants ? Security at home, power and 
respectability abroad, are to a certain extent necessa- 
rily incident to every vigorous government. But it is 
peculiar to governments, whose principle of action is 
chiefly the interest of the people, that the security of 
person and property at home is not sacrificed in obtain- 
ing power and respectability abroad. This principle 
of action, in the government of England, is commingled 
with a desire of honour, too often found repugnant to 
the real interests of the subject. Ambition, influenced 
by turns with ardent desire of personal distinction, and 
a selfish love of gain, nourished from the throne as the 
fountain of honour, is there the open approved incite- 
ment to greatness. With us such ambition is odious, 
and in New-England forever defeats its purpose. It 
may, and has acquired wealth and power, but never 
honourable fame. The prayers and the respect of the 
good and the wise do not follow it in retirement, nor 



ilo these embalm with affection its lifeless remains. 
Men, in every country, under every government, are 
allured to publick life, by the charms of distinction. 
Ambition forever renders homage to the power confer- 
ring it. Hence ambition is devoted to prerogative in 
monarchy, and to the publick good, or to the ruling 
passion in republicks. Thus ambition, the motive 
power of all governments, is so chastened in yours, that 
an enlightened intelligence of your own interests stead- 
ily pursued, will give in practice, as in theory, indu- 
bitable excellence to your constitutions above every 
other. But like others, it is exposed to the irregular 
action of party. 

A federative system of sovereign states naturally 
tending to anarchy among themselves produces occa- 
sions for party-conflict peculiar to their confederacy. 
Yet while their true interest is most surely obtained 
by the union of all ; the only remaining subject of 
contest — possession of the brief authority of ruling un- 
der the constitution, can hardly endanger the duration 
of that constitution ; because the disappointment of to 
day is ever cheered with the hope of success to-morrow. 
Power cannot always rest in any one section. Jeal- 
ousy will supply a motive to opposition, should no 
other exist, which will forever give to power in our 
nation, a perambulatory character, that will preclude 
the acquisition of a destructive influence by any one 
state, and cherish the hope of possessing power in al- 
most every other. There is therefore a sufficient coun- 
terpoise to regulate this otherwise alarming tendency 
of the states to anarchy among themselves. 

Here yielding to the feelings of habitual respect and 



veneration for oar mother country, a recollection of oui 
origin, the inestimable gift of laws, and the light of 
science we have received at her hands, would forbid a 
further comparison, ftut is it not time for Americans 
to respect themselves? Shall we longer ascribe to 
France or England a superiority which policy as well 
as truth invokes us to claim for ourselves? They are 
indeed preeminent in science, in arts, in literature 
and in refinement : their copious streams have overflow- 
ed and every where enriched our country. Identity of 
language and similitude of habits and manners, has 
facilitated a wider diffusion among us of the inventions, 
learning and taste of England, and we have naturally 
awarded to her the most exalted rank as a nation- Yet 
while we yield to her the admired results of supera. 
bundancc of wealth and excess of population, may we 
not rejoice in our exemption from the luxury and the 
misery, that these entail on their possesors. America 
is perhaps too necessitous to give her time to every 
branch of speculative science, or the productions of re- 
fined literature. But in practical science what nation 
excels the ingenuity and boldness of her artists ? Con- 
fessedly equal in naval architecture, inferior to none iu 
the facilities of commercial transportation, surpassing 
all in the variety and value of our agricultural produc- 
tions, rivalling even the workshops of Europe with the 
product of machinery, may we not be permitted to as- 
sume that it is the application of science to useful pur- 
pose which constitutes its value. If too we must allow 
superiority in literature and taste ; is it not some assur- 
ance of our future eminence that her best authors are, 
at least, as generally studied here as in England ; that 



9 

*ome of the most eminent painters, whose pencils have 
emblazoned the name of England with a glory, are 
natives of America. 

Inferior as we may be in science, have not Ameri- 
cans yet reason to be proud of their country ? Greater 
freedom in political institutions, superior intelligence 
among the community, a state of morals, paradoxical 
as it may seem, progressively improving with the 
meaus of luxury ; a religion without superstition, with- 
out hypocrisy, and without state influence, exhibiting 
here the strongest proof of its authenticity, by effect- 
ing its own progress without the excitement of intoler- 
ance, or the political aid of government ; a jurispru- 
dence equalled only in one nation, an administration of 
justice surpassing all others ; A government whose 
spring and balance are the people's interest ; a rank 
and respectability among nations won by the valour of 
your arms and the chivalrous spirit of your navy ; 
these are your rich possessions : and forever honoured 
be the memory of the illustrious men, whose spirit, 
wisdom, and resolution have secured for us these un- 
equalled blessings. 

The lofty virtues of your ancestors rise, like the bril- 
liant summits of your mountains as your age recedes. 
Like these their foundations were lain in secret. In the 
recesses of domestick retirement they instructed their 
offspring of Providence, traced their being, preservation 
and enjoyments to his throne, and fixed an habitual 
consciousness of dependence. The interesting relation 
of parent and protector was associated with this; and 
each felt an interest in the whole of their community 
as members, of the same family. Publick spirit could 
2 



10 

not fail to unite such a people when danger lowered 
on their land. The evils of intolerance had finally 
given them the spirit of moderation. The privations 
of the wilderness, in the cause of religion, had taught 
them patience in suffering ; their wonderful preserva- 
tion and success had filled them with habitual confi- 
dence, that while the principles of justice, and a fami- 
lar sense of duty, should continue to guide their con- 
duct, all perplexity and danger would issue in their 
happiness. 

An early reference to these principles, and the obli- 
gations they impose, imbued every mind with just con- 
ceptions of the rights of man ; and established manners 
breathing a manly respect to the feelings of equals, and 
a profound deference for age and superior wisdom. 
Hence a spirit of subordination supplied the place of 
government, and precluded the posibility of anarchy 
even when government was dissolved in revolution. 
Such prompt feelings of publick spirit, such refined 
principles of justice and right, could not be indifferent 
to the wrongs of any individual. Oppression kindled 
at once a common indignation. The frugality and 
simple manners of the times could interpose no tempo- 
rising policy. No calculations of interest or fear of 
loss for a moment arrested the course of their zeal. 
No earthly consideration could restrain it. And when 
at last, the war burst upon your hills, the spirit of your 
fathers spread, with the. rapidity of lightning, through 
the laud. 

Through what various accidents, toils, and perils 
they acheived the liberation of your country, and estab- 
lished its Independence, many who now tijl your posts 



11 

of honour and the most respectable stations in private 
life, have too eloquently depicted from this place, to 
leave a single touch to be added. The views which 
they have presented, to their admiring townsmen, of 
the wisdom, publick spirit and valour of the statesmen 
and warriors, who conducted the revolution, will never 
be indifferent to Bostonians, and are too fresh in recol- 
lection, now to need an exhibition. 

Wisely was it ordered, by the venerable men, 
who participated in those mighty efforts, that the an- 
niversary of Independence, should be hallowed, by 
the recollection of the virtues, that produced it. To 
you, fathers, and to you, whom nature gives to feel a 
deeper interest in your offspring, how dear is the wish, 
that the feelings and principles, which have surround- 
ed you with an extent of happiness, that the sun does 
not smile upon elsewhere in his course, should be 
transmitted with equal blessings to your children ! It 
is yours to transmit them. The early impressions they 
receive from a mother's lips, of the high and sacred 
importance of truth, the necessity of justice and honour, 
and the gracefulness of generosity and chastened cour- 
age will prepare them for defenders of their country, 
in the senate or the field ; or to pursue respectably the 
happier vocations of private life. It is thus you may 
infuse somewhat of the purity of your own into the 
character of your nation. 

If there be any one who does not feel the importance 
of this character, let him remember the days, when 
European powers, fighting desperately for conquest, 
or existence, all trampled on our rights, as if they be- 
lieved we had not the spirit of a worm to turn, when 



trod upon ; with what shame and confusion our coun- 
trymen were humiliated abroad, with what sense of 
inferiority we were degraded at home. Now, by the 
skill and prowess of a few, a fortuitous concurrence 
of circumstances has given security to our commerce. 
Our stars are borne in triumph to every quarter of 
the globe. Abroad how honoured and respected is 
our name, how raised and exalted our opinions at 
home ! None is so humble among us but participates 
in the pride, which now swells through the nation. 
This is no vain, useless pride ; it is the overflowing 
of mutual confidence, from an abundant assurance that 
the spirit of our country can be equal to its emergencies. 
The recent and auspicious display of our national 
character, attracts your attention to the means of cher- 
ishing and exalting it. National pride, which is some- 
times confounded with national character, rather indi- 
cates its real value. Thus the pride of aucestry, in 
the Greek and Italian, betrays a total want of the 
boasted qualities that made their ancestors the prodigy, 
and the masters of the world. It is a label fastened 
about their necks to mark their disgraceful declension. 
As little do we envy the infatuated pride, that glories 
in ceaseless victories; which only impose the necessity 
of new conscriptions of men, new privations, and, 
ultimately, bring conquest and subjugation upon the 
victors. A well proportioned pride in science, in arts, 
and in arms, Americans will every where respect; but 
an arrogant exclusive pride, who can admire ? Does 
it not sometimes indicate an incapacity for higher ef- 
forts, a hopelessness of more exalted attainments ? 
The objects of our pride may, by the vain glorious, bit 



13 

deemed humble : Ihey are unequalled domestick happi- 
ness in peace, and sufficient power to defend our rights 
in war. Humble as they are, on comparison with other 
nations, our hearts would rise in exultation did we not 
from education understand and acknowledge, that our 
felicity, like the fruit of Eden, is the production of 
Providence — our highest merit enjoyment with grati- 
tude, and use with obedience. 

In adverting to religion, as a means of national cha- 
racter, it is interesting to observe, that religion, in 
every nation, has been co-eval with its origin and pros- 
perity. While the favour of the Gods was devoutly 
propitiated among the antients, their national enthu- 
siasm was wrought to the highest pitch of personal sa- 
crifice. Their devotion gave them higher motives than 
wealth or power : their heroes aspired to rank with 
gods or be immortal in the sculptured marble. Among 
the Greeks, religion was degraded by attributes of in- 
constancy and selfish passions : among the Romans* 
it was exalted by ascription of favour to publick virtue. 
Accordingly the Grecian heroes are often seen arrayed 
in arms against their own country : the heroes of Rome, 
never, save in the instance of Coriolanus. Themisto- 
cles and Alcibiades were restored to favour and power : 
Coriolanus, never forgiven, perished miserably. Not 
less distinct is the the influence of state and free relig- 
ion in modern times. The former is sometimes cloaked 
with hypocrisy, too often a pageant of ceremony, 
that lives only in the publick eye : the latter is sincere, 
seeks no parade, dwells only iu the heart. How in- 
fluential this, on your national character, is manifest 
in the moderation it every where imposes on passion. 



14* 

Another means of exalting this character claims your 
attention. Intermingled with other nations in the com- 
petitions of commerce, whose doubtful rights are des. 
tined to serve as pretexts for future animosities, you 
must be prepared to surrender your trade, your proper- 
ty, and homes : or you must prepare for war. You 
have learned, that it is not on a supply of arms or 
ammunitions of war, nor even the mechanical disci- 
pline of exercise and manoeuvres, that your country can 
rely for defence. What though community of danger 
may rally all tothe field, will not a sense of greater dan- 
ger drive them in paniek to their homes. The valour of 
freemen, of fathers, brothers, and husbands in arms 
must not depend on sense of danger. Arms and the art 
of war, and the incentive of danger will avail nothing 
without that pubiick spirit, which delights to offer, and 
that pubiick gratitude, which is ever prompt to reward 
the sacriiice of personal interest for pubiick good. It 
was to this, that Washington exhorted you, in urg- 
ing preparations for war. None better knew than he 
the insufficiency of arms without spirit, how dreadful 
the alarm of unexpected invasion, nor how certain it 
would never be attempted if steady well bred valour 
and pubiick spirit, fearless of fate, should defend the 
soil. Do we fail in pubiick spirit : let not a chilly 
selfishness, that dreads some burthen on itself, forbid 
the effort of reform. Let not escape from the past 
deceive us with flattering hopes for the future. 

Your means of knowledge are indeed liberally pro- 
vided. The expansion of mental faculties is fully ap- 
preciated where the obligation of some intelligence in 
politics and just discrimination of character is imposed 
on all. Mind is indeed regarded as power. But it 



15 

is power, be it remembered, in the hands of ruling 
passion. This forms a nation for war or peace, or for 
a brave and generous policy, that fears not the first, 
nor loves the last too well. If our ruling passion give 
us cause for regret, may we not find an excuse in the 
concurrence of circumstances, which succeeded the 
revolutionary war? Sacrifices and losses had impover- 
ished the whole country, and a laudable desire of com- 
petency was excited by numerous opportunities of spec- 
ulation into a ruling passion for gain; Though this 
has not yet degenerated to hoarding avarice, we have 
seen its degrading influence. We have seen private 
interest among the people determine the policy of the 
nation. How could this fail to produce a mean hypo* 
critical economy in government? Accordingly, we have 
seen a system of the wisest forecast, designed by the 
framers of our constitution for national honour, and in- 
dispensable to security, abandoned in the name of 
economy ; then resumed with extravagance at a moment 
of peril and alarm ; which that very system would have 
forever prevent cd. Reiterated instances like these 
will make posterity wise enough to ascribe war to want 
of publick spirit. And shall we, who have felt this 
truth, longer delay to implant it in the bosoms of youth? 
The means are at hand. 

Your publick schools, though suggested by the an* 
tients, yet want incitement to the liberal feelings and 
passions, which made the Greeks, near two thousand 
years after their fail, the admired models of the world 
in taste, in eloquenee and publick virtue. Let a por- 
tion of the superabundant time now devoted to the first 
rudiments of learning, in our common schools, be ap- 



1(5 

propriated to the story of illustrious character, in an 
tiquity, exhibiting to your children its energy, heroick 
devotion to the interests of its country ; its contempt of 
wealth and aspiration after honourable fame; its valour 
and courage. These ably pourirayed to the minds of 
youth, could not fail to cherish disinterested, generous 
feelings, and raise a higher standard and more exalted 
admiration of honourable character. The achievements 
of contemporaries would be better appreciated and re- 
warded. Reanimated sculpture would breathe into 
marble the admired forms of your warriors and states- 
men; and posterity would not have to deplore that worse 
than apathy, that has left for fifteen years the remains 
of the greatest among the great, without a stone to tell 
where he lies ! 

What greater incitement to public virtue can be men- 
tioned than disinterested honour rendered to the manes 
of eminent and illustrious character. Who can read 
the story of his life, and not feel that human nature is 
improved by the example ? You have among you an 
honourable association for erecting a statue to WASH- 
INGTON. Over their grateful and unremitted efforts 
presides one of his beloved and confidential associates — 
one among the last of his personal friends that now re- 
main to us ; and is it not time to meet with correspond- 
ing emotions these disinterested efforts, in whose result 
all are equally concerned ? Surely the period is at hand 
when we shall rear at once this monument of gratitude, 
as a daily lesson to our children ; that the ambition 
which aspires only to be most eminently useful, is most 
sincerely honoured. 

Need the inference be urged that,with such a publick 
spirit, our parties, however divided against each other. 



17 

Would never hazard the publick good. A rapid sketch 
of the influence of party on national character and pros- 
perity will conclude these remarks, already protracted 
it is feared, beyond the bearing of your patience. 

Parties are the soul of free government. Consider 
the slavish apathy that would prepare you for tyranni- 
cal subjugation, if no feelings nor passions, like watch- 
ful centries, challenged the incursions of power. The 
due regulation and direction of these is scarcely less 
important than their existence. You have erected in- 
terest in your constitutions as a standard of righlgftnd 
wrong. Private interest may be ^jjowed to influence, 
where isolated measures draw after them no extensive 
consequences. But on questions expanding beyond 
the circle of self, and the present moment, our feelings 
and passions should be conducted to an eminence over- 
looking the whole country, and be shewn there the op- 
eration of measures on the welfare of all. The mind 
necessarily carried out of its own little circle for a 
while, is convinced that the security and happiness 
which are thus made to surround it on every side, are 
the strongest barriers of its own private interest. The 
conviction kindles a sympathetic coucern for the re- 
motest borderer or seaman on the ocean. An unrepcll- 
ed outrage upon either is felt to diminish the security 
of all : for if no sympathy extends succour to him, who 
is most exposed and first attacked, uo passion will be 
roused till the injury has every where struck its blow. 
Then passion wll be without power to resent, and prey 
npon its own vitals. 

The grand interest of a nation, like the happiness of 

an individual, is made up of numerous little interests 
3 



and pleasures. The diminution cf any one of these 
does not sensibly abridge our happiness ; but if the 
heedless loss of one may superinduce the loss of anoth- 
er and another ; how vigilantly we guard the least I 
No less is a single minor interest of a nation the object 
of scrupulous honour, than is the slightest imputation oa 
integrity in private life. The feelings of sympathy then 
for every indivdnal within our borders, and the pas- 
sion of scrupulous honour towards every people with- 
out, should regulate and direct our parties. 

Jj^fcin what clime is not the imperfection of our na- 
ture deplored! parties are opposed to each other 
either in principle or interest; commonly in both. As 
principle predominates in a party ; its policy towards 
foreign nations is ingenuous; its aspect firm and daunt- 
less. Foreign cabinets sustaining the relations of com- 
petition or conflicting interests, are careful to ascer- 
tain how far personal views sway the predominant 
party of a country ; and accordingly, when private in- 
terest prevails adapt their measures to a yielding tem- 
porizing policy, which ever marks the compromise be- 
tween a nation's true honour and a selfish party's inter- 
est. The motives then of predominant party stamp 
the character of a nation in the estimate of foreign 
powers. 

To appreciate the effect of this, let us glance without 
partiality or imputation at the short history of our gov- 
ernment. In this moment of auspicious calm, when 
the peace of the world has left passion to subside, per- 
haps we may perceive that our interest requires us to 
make it for the advantage of party to be guided rather 
by principle than by personal views. 



19 

When our first President was elected, the satisfac- 
tion that almost universally prevailed, restrained the 
malice that jealousy of his power and ascendency, dur- 
ing the revolutionary war, had excited. Opposition to 
his system of measures came of course ; but operated 
covertly till an occasion offered of appealing to some 
passion generally predominant. This was unfortunate- 
ly the passion fur gain, just then assuming a character- 
istic!*, influence under the garb of economy. The ques- 
tion of fundiug the national debt gave occasion to the 
first systematic It opposition inCongresstoJjp* adminis- 
tration of Washington. There was^omething popular, 
and perhaps plausible, in the objection to the funding 
system that speculators rather, than war-worn soldiers, 
would be beuefited by the fulfilment of the promises 
made to these. But there, was much more principle in 
the argument, that publick faith was the basis of pub- 
lick credit ; and that without this no administration 
could command the resources of the country. The 
people only fearing the leyy of taxes, and without ex- 
perience to instruct them, did not understand that men 
who undervalue publick faith in argument, might soon 
disregard it in practice ; neither could they anticipate 
that loss of credit, at a moment of emergency, would, 
more than double the expense of sudden preparation for 
war. The excitation of a iirst difference naturally flam- 
ed to a alarming height, and attracted the attention of 
the whole community. Individuals presently arrang- 
ed themselves on one or the other side as accident, inter- 
est, or argument influenced. Men of character and 
tried patriotism were found on both sides. An ardent 
incitement prepared the publick mind for the enthusi- 



20 

asm, which appeals to the ruling passion, were about 
to inflame. The determination of Washington, to retire 
seemed to leave the field more free. His retirement 
was the signal for unrestrained condict to begin. The 
onset was furious, the resistance manly and resolute. 
Unfounded imputations of intention to give an un- 
constitutional energy to government were supported by 
reference to measures for establishing an army and na- 
vy, whose necessity and expediency could not be un- 
derstood by all the people without more practical 
knowledgm^ the course of nations with each other, 
than the majority oPthc people at that time possessed. 
Ignorance is ever ready to be jealous of superior 
intelligence, vested with power. The complicated re- 
lations of England with European nations furnished 
no standard for American policy, and the people had 
relio I almost with implicit confidence on the counsels 
of .Washington. When therefore he had withdrawn, no 
standard of general policy seemed to remain. Argu- 
ments addressed to individual interest were vainly op- 
posed by appeals to principle. Vain were the determin- 
ed efforts to resistthis torrent of jealousy and impassion- 
ed economy. Their triumph seemed, in the opinion of 
many wise and learned statesmen, to jeopard the dura- 
bility of the constitution. Mutual excitement presently 
identified in the opinion of all, the success of party with 
the interests of the country. The conflict was renewed 
and pursued ; with what acerbity let it be remembred 
only to be avoided. It endured till the late fortunate 
pacification seemed to grant an amnesty to both. The 
achievements of each are enrolled with the history of 



21 

their country, and the passions that tossed them havt 
subsided forever. It is therefore permitted, on this day, 
consecrated to the nation and set aside from party, 
to trace out the consequences affecting our national cha- 
racter and prosperity ; which have arisen from this 
conflict. 

The party prevailing by appeals to the dominant 
passion, and the jealousy of the people were, of 
course, obliged to gratify that passion with office and 
emolument on the one hand ; and with the exhibition of 
rigid economy on the other. The preparations for de- 
fence which Washington had enjoined, and the whole 
nation now approve, were of course deemed unneces- 
sary. 

A jealousy of state influence, excited by the avowed 
ambition of one state, was fostered by the unavoidable 
appearance of favouritsm. Imputations of selfish state 
purposes naturally followed, and were returned with 
the aggravated imputation of traitorous subserviency to 
England Wishes for the success of the cause of that 
country warmly expressed, by one party in New-Eng- 
land, from just views of the interests at first, of Europe, 
afterwards of this country, furnish all the grounds of 
this crimination. It was natural to hurl back the re- 
crimination of partiality to France. These powers 
could not but believe in the existauce of such parties in 
their favour. England adapted her policy to this be- 
lief, and the 'defenceless state of our country with a fa- 
tal sagacity. Her example was followed by almost 
every other power in Europe, till almost every nation 
that could fire a gun had plundered your commerce. 
Where are now the proofs of subserviency to Eng- 



land ? How idle the imputation that the most intelli- 
gent portion of the union should be willing to sunder 
that union, which even inferior men discerned, and dis- 
cerned truly, to be more essential to the prosperity of 
New England than of any other section of the country. 
Nay, that the sons of New- England should surrender 
their liberties to a nation, whom their fathers had been 
the first to oppose at the hazard of their lives and prop- 
erty. England ere long discovered the error into wheh 
she had been drawn, by these unfounded imputations ; 
and this discovery, it is well known, put end to the war. 

How momentous the establishment and maintenance 
of honourable national character needs no further illus- 
tration. Arms miy establish for a while, but pubiick 
spirit only can maintaiu it This must emanate from 
New- England, because she alone has wrongs to par- 
don and forget. 

A new state of things is now rising out of the chaos 
of the political world, and no one can predict the con- 
cern our nation may be obliged to take in it. Let us 
leave, while we can, the affairs of Europe to them- 
selves ; we have happily lived to see the destroyer of 
nations conducted to his lonely isle. There from some 
rude, craggy cliff let him gaze on the restless ocean as 
an emblem of his own tumultuous bosom, till the world, 
in pity for his deep despair and tottering reason, shall 
forgive his crimes. 

Our concern is with ourselves : the political calm 
which gives repose to party doubtless presages a new 
eruption. Its lava may separate old friends, and bring 
together old enemies. Your Vesuvius is in the moun- 
tains of the west. That section of the country, after the 



23 

next census, will send a larger delegation to Congress 
than any other. The love of power will grow with 
the means of acquiring it. Already the dread of losing 
it has excited a jealousy of the western states in the 
antient dominion as they denominate Virginia. But 
the warlike and adventurous hah its of the west, the pe- 
culiar relations they sustain with their neighbour in 
the south, seem to indicate that, for the present, they 
are not the best depositories of power. 

Should this new conflict arise, the probable expe- 
diency in this event of the co-operation of Mew r - Eng- 
land with other states, invokes a steady perseverance 
iu those sound principles, which Washington bequeath- 
ed us : for nothing but regard to general interest can 
unite states of such various habits and views. Let New- 
England be steady to her peculiar interests, if she have 
them ; but let her extend an equal regard te other sec- 
tions of the country. Let her suspend her partialities, 
if she feel thein however well-founded in superior 
morals and manners. Her wisdom will then be listen- 
ed to with increased respect by all. 

If in this hasty view of the rise and progress of a na- 
tion, born to the highest destinies, we have reperused 
the story of our ancestors with fresh interest in their 
virtues ; if the independence these produced has been 
blessed with a more rational felicity than the sun 
shines upon elsewhere in his course ; if we have reason 
to be proud of our country and its constitutions of gov- 
ernment ; if we find in the past some assurance of high- 
er, purer publick spirit for the future ; if wc feel an ex- 
tended benevolence rising towards our country ; then 
let the memory of our ancestors be annually recallcdj 

i 
t 



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£4< 



with pious gratitude. Let this anniversary be the po- 
litical sabbath of parties when they shall recur to 
the first principles of publick virtue, so eminently ex- 
emplified in the father of his country. Then, may we 
not hope that the happiness of our nation, both publick 
and private shall be unequalled, but by its Fame. 



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UBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 801 676 2 



